The Interrelation of Gender Inequality and Corruption in South Africa
Read more
IOL
iol.co.za

The Interrelation of Gender Inequality and Corruption in South Africa

Women and girls in South Africa face a dual threat: gender inequality and widespread corruption. Analysis shows how these issues intersect, undermine legal protection, and what innovative reforms are needed to ensure genuine protection and empowerment.

Despite having an extensive legislative and policy framework to protect women in the country, results remain unsatisfactory due to insufficient implementation, compliance, and institutional accountability. This is where the intersection of gender inequality and corruption occurs, preventing them from being treated as separate policy issues.

Corruption is often viewed solely as a problem of criminal justice, but its impact is far broader. It subtly undermines almost all societal development goals, weakens governance, diverts scarce resources, degrades service delivery, reduces investment attractiveness, and erodes trust in democratic institutions. Ultimately, those least able to protect themselves pay the highest price.

Thus, corruption is not just the theft of public funds; it is the theft of opportunity. Any procurement breach, captured institution, or failure in the accountability system can lead to reduced opportunities, weakened protection, and diminished justice for women and girls. Funds lost to corruption cannot be directed towards financing shelters, healthcare, policing, social support, or programs promoting women's economic participation.

The consequences extend beyond resource reallocation. When corruption infiltrates the police, victims of gender-based violence lose confidence in reporting abuse; when judicial institutions are compromised, criminals enjoy impunity; and when authority is abused, corruption becomes not merely a financial offense, but a tool of exploitation and coercion.

Gender inequality and corruption are not parallel problems; they mutually reinforce each other. This relationship is insufficiently studied in both research and policy development. Government departments and agencies are typically structured to address corruption, gender inequality, and gender-based violence through separate mandates and programs, but the lived experience of vulnerable people does not align with these administrative boundaries.

A woman seeking protection from an abusive partner does not perceive the police, healthcare, social services, and justice system as disconnected sectors of policy. She experiences them as parts of a single institutional system. If any part of this system is corrupt, inefficient, or unaccountable, the legal protection guaranteed can become meaningless in practice.

Therefore, governance reform and gender equality must be implemented as a single, integrated agenda. They will develop together because a strong society requires strong institutions. Trust cannot flourish where institutions fail; development cannot exist sustainably where governance is weak; and democracy cannot thrive when citizens lose faith in the honest, transparent, and publicly beneficial work of government bodies.

This understanding has prompted the Institute for Inclusive Society to view governance reform and anti-corruption efforts as integral components of sustainable development. Among the measures proposed within its work is the creation of a permanent and independent Anti-Corruption Council capable of coordinating efforts between government, oversight bodies, civil society, and the private sector.

Corruption cannot be defeated through fragmented interventions. South Africa needs a holistic national system covering prevention, detection, enforcement, and public accountability. It is crucial that this system incorporates gender-sensitive governance rather than treating gender as a secondary issue.

The story of Babita Deokaran illustrates why this work cannot be limited to policy documents and institutional diagrams: she paid with her life for honesty. Her murder serves as a reminder that corruption is never an abstract governance problem. It has human consequences. It also reminds us that whistleblowers should never be alone. A society that relies on individuals to expose corruption must have a corresponding duty to protect them. Honesty must never become a death sentence.

Consequently, whistleblower protection must move from intention to practical implementation. Legislative reform is necessary, but one law is not enough. It must be accompanied by practical measures of physical protection, financial support, and legal aid. People cannot reasonably expect risk to their well-being and lives while the institutions that benefit from their disclosures offer little more than post-facto expressions of admiration.

South Africa must also begin to view integrity as a design principle, not just an enforcement issue. Before major legislation, significant procurement programs, or institutional reforms are adopted, they must undergo Integrity Impact Assessments. Environmental Impact Assessments are already an accepted part of major development decisions, and social consequences are increasingly considered. It is equally prudent to ask whether proposed policies or programs create new opportunities for corruption, weaken accountability, or disproportionately harm the rights of women and vulnerable communities.

Preventing corruption begins long before the first tender is issued. Such assessments can identify vulnerabilities at the design stage, clarify lines of accountability, and ensure adequate safeguards are built into public programs from the outset. They can also compel decision-makers to consider whether women and other vulnerable groups will have real access to complaint mechanisms, institutional protection, and remedies in case of system failures.

South Africa would also benefit from establishing a Public Integrity Observatory: a permanent collaboration involving universities, civil society, the private sector, and oversight bodies. Its mandate must go beyond measuring incidents or perceptions of corruption. It should assess institutional resilience, implementation effectiveness, and levels of public trust.

What is measured is more likely to be managed, and what is published can become a powerful driver of accountability. Reliable and publicly available evidence will allow society to identify institutional weaknesses before they escalate into full-blown crises and determine whether declared reforms are leading to measurable results.

These efforts could lead to a National Integrity Pact. Government departments, municipalities, universities, businesses, and civil organizations could voluntarily commit to measurable standards of transparency, ethical leadership, gender responsiveness, and institutional accountability. Participants would then publicly and regularly report on their progress.

Such a pact would not replace legislation or law enforcement. It should not become another ceremonial declaration either. Its value lies in establishing measurable commitments and encouraging continuous institutional improvement across various sectors.

The ultimate goal is to move beyond repeatedly affirming our opposition to corruption and inequality. South Africa already knows how to make declarations of principles. What it needs is the institutional capacity, political will, and collective discipline to translate principles into practice.

Accountable institutions protect human rights; transparent institutions reduce opportunities for abuse; and ethical leadership strengthens service delivery and makes government bodies more responsive to those who need them most.

Corruption and gender inequality are complex and deeply rooted problems, but they are not insurmountable, and solving them will require courage, honesty, and cooperation between government, academia, civil society, and the private sector. Most importantly, it requires understanding that corruption does not just steal money. It steals protection, opportunities, dignity, and justice. And until we confront this reality, the women and girls our laws promise to protect will continue to pay the highest price.

Similar stories

Activism in South Africa protests gender-based violence after women's murders in eKhuruleni
Read more
iol.co.za

Activism in South Africa protests gender-based violence after women's murders in eKhuruleni

Residents of South Africa took to the streets to pay tribute to the women murdered in eKhuruleni, accompanied by growing demands for action against gender-based violence (GBV). Despite the existence of laws, institutions, and strategies in the country to combat gender-based violence and femicide, prevention remains unattainable until threats are taken seriously, survivors receive protection, and the government is held accountable before violence becomes fatal.

South Africa recognizes gender-based violence and femicide as a national problem, and the country is aware of the causes and statistics. There are laws, policies, institutions, shelters, courts, police structures, and civil society organizations. Nevertheless, women continue to be subjected to rape, assault, violence, and murder.

The discovery of the eleventh woman's body in eKhuruleni has once again drawn public attention to the issue of femicide. The police are investigating the circumstances of the deaths but have not determined if all cases are linked. Regardless of whether the deaths are connected or not, each woman represents a lost life and a family left in mourning.

It is impossible to protect a woman after she has been killed. Therefore, the question is not just how to investigate a murder after it has occurred; it is also necessary to find out what could have been recognized earlier, what warning signs were missed, whether threats were reported, whether protection was provided, whether perpetrators were known, and whether institutions acted before the violence became fatal.

This is the central question of the GBVF crisis in South Africa. The crisis is real, as is society's responsibility towards it. Behind every number is a woman, a family, and a community. The women whose bodies were found in eKhuruleni are not just statistics; their deaths serve as a reminder that femicide is not an abstract national problem, but violence that reaches homes, relationships, streets, and communities, ending in the irreversible loss of human life.

Broader data is also shocking: between April and June 2026, official police figures recorded 569 women murdered and 1052 women attempted to be murdered. In the same quarter, 9201 victims of rape were registered, of which 8814 were women and children. These figures do not reflect all the violence that remains unregistered, but they clearly demonstrate the scale and urgency of the crisis.

South Africa has officially acknowledged the seriousness of the situation: gender-based violence and femicide were classified as a national catastrophe in November 2025, placing the National Executive Body at the center of a coordinated national response. The National Council on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide, established under the National Council on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide Act of 2024, has been formed, and members have been appointed for a three-year term starting in August 2026. The Council is authorized to provide strategic direction and coordinate multi-sectoral and inter-sectoral responses to GBVF.

Frameworks exist, institutions exist, policies exist. The question is whether they work early and effectively enough to prevent the next woman from becoming a victim.

A woman who reports a threat should not disappear into the system. A protection order must mean protection. A repeated threat must be treated as a warning, not just another incident. Survivors must have access to help before the violence escalates. And if an institution fails in its duties, this failure must have consequences.

We are accustomed to counting violence after it has happened. We record murders, rapes, assaults, arrests, and court cases. These measures are important because they show the scale of the problem. However, they also tell us what happened after the woman was harmed.

It is much harder to understand what happens before the crime: how many women were threatened before the attack? How many sought help? How many were afraid to leave? Were perpetrators previously registered? Were restraining orders issued? Were any warning signs known to family, neighbors, schools, workplaces, or authorities? How many opportunities existed for intervention before the violence became fatal?

We cannot prevent every act of violence, but we can create a system that is much better at recognizing danger and responding before the final act. Prevention means early risk identification, taking threats seriously, connecting survivors with appropriate services, follow-up monitoring, and ensuring that institutions fulfill their duties.

Femicide does not begin at the moment a woman is killed. The final act may be murder, but the path to it can include control, intimidation, stalking, threats, assault, isolation, coercion, and repeated violence.

Serious gender-based violence can occur in relationships and places that should provide safety. This means that prevention cannot only begin when a woman enters a police station or hospital; it must start much earlier, in the homes and families where children learn what relationships should look like.

Children learn by watching the adults around them. They absorb whether anger is expressed through violence or self-control, whether refusal can be accepted without humiliation, whether strength means dominance or responsibility, and how women are treated with dignity. This makes responsible fatherhood and positive male role models part of the conversation about prevention.

The 2024 State of Fathers report for South Africa, based on 2023 data, showed that 35.6 percent of children in South Africa lived in the same household as their biological father, while 64.4 percent lived separately. This figure should be viewed carefully: living in separate households does not automatically mean the father is absent from the child's life. A father can live elsewhere and still be involved, caring, and responsible.

However, this underscores the importance of consistent adult presence and guidance in children's lives. Fatherhood is more than biology or cohabitation; it is a continuous responsibility. It means caring, listening, guiding, setting boundaries, showing affection, demonstrating self-control, and taking responsibility for one's children's well-being. It also means treating one's children's mother with dignity, regardless of whether the parents stay together.

This is especially important for boys. They need to see men who demonstrate that strength is not equal to dominance, that refusal does not justify anger, that jealousy is not possessiveness, and that violence is never an expression of masculinity. They need to see that a man can disagree without humiliation, assert authority without abuse, and take responsibility when he is wrong. These lessons must be taught in homes, schools, sports clubs, youth organizations, workplaces, and religious communities. The point is not to blame fathers or condemn men, but to recognize that responsible fatherhood and positive male role models can contribute to a culture of respect and responsibility necessary for prevention.

There is an important distinction between personal safety and shifting responsibility onto women. Women can take reasonable precautions if they wish. But a woman should never be expected to change her appearance, place of work, travel times, whether she exercises, walks alone, or leaves abusive relationships solely because men might want to harm her.

A woman going to work is not a problem. A woman exercising is not a problem. A woman traveling alone is not a problem. A woman leaving an abusive relationship is not a problem. The person choosing violence bears responsibility for that choice. Therefore, society must ensure that safety advice does not become another way to restrict women's freedom. The goal is not to teach women to live a more modest life, but to create a country where women can lead ordinary lives without having to organize their lives around fear.

The focus on violence against women and girls must remain central, as women face specific forms and patterns of GBVF, including intimate partner violence and femicide. At the same time, men and boys can also be victims of violence and abuse, and children require special protection. Recognizing this does not weaken the crisis faced by women. The central question remains the same: how to prevent violence, protect those in danger, and hold perpetrators accountable? Men and boys must be part of the answer.

Men should be encouraged to talk about anger, refusal, relationships, fatherhood, alcohol, consent, and emotional responsibility before these issues become crises. Boys must learn that masculinity does not require control over women. They must learn that 'no' means 'no'. They must learn that jealousy is not love. They must learn that refusal is painful, but never justifies violence. They must learn that asking for help is not weakness. And they must learn that responsibility is a form of strength. The goal is not to create another conversation where men are simply told what not to do; the goal is to develop a culture where responsible masculinity is visible, respected, and expected.

Communities cannot replace the state. The police must investigate. Prosecutors must prosecute. Courts must hear cases. Medical services must treat survivors. Social workers must intervene. Shelters must provide protection. Municipalities must support infrastructure and a safer public environment. The government must coordinate these responsibilities and publicly report on its work.

Classifying GBVF as a national catastrophe and establishing the National Council provides institutional mechanisms for coordination and accountability. However, institutions cannot be judged solely by their existence; they must demonstrate the fulfillment of their duties. The existence of a protection order means little if it is not enforced. The existence of a police station means little to a woman in danger if her complaint is not taken seriously. The existence of a shelter means little if a survivor cannot access it. The existence of a national strategy means little if its implementation does not reach the streets. This is where accountability is critically important.

Every institution involved in combating GBVF must know what it is responsible for, what resources it has, what it has achieved, what remains undone, and who needs to act next. Where something fails, that failure must be identified and corrected. Where something works, it should be strengthened and replicated.

The government cannot be on every corner, enter every home, or know what is happening in every relationship. This is where responsible citizenship becomes important. However, community actions must never turn into vigilantism. Ordinary people should not investigate crimes, confront violent offenders, or attempt to administer justice themselves. Their role is different. A neighbor can call for help when a woman is in danger. A shopkeeper can provide a safe place for a frightened woman.

Financial and Emotional Costs Associated with Women's Safety Measures in South Africa
Read more
iol.co.za

Financial and Emotional Costs Associated with Women's Safety Measures in South Africa

Women from South Africa are forced to bear significant financial and emotional costs to protect themselves from gender-based violence. These expenses include the use of panic buttons, attending self-defense courses, and using safer modes of transport.

For millions of women in South Africa, ensuring personal safety goes beyond simply locking the front door or parking the car in a well-lit area. Necessary safety measures include panic buttons, personal safety apps, pepper spray, self-defense classes, stun guns, as well as extra funds spent on safer transportation and security services. Even if each expense item seems manageable individually, collectively they paint a serious picture of what it can cost a woman just to have a chance of getting home safely.

Specific examples of costs include: emergency assistance subscription—49 rand per month; panic tracker—R2,499 upfront plus R99 monthly; self-defense class—R600; pepper spray—about R160; and stun gun—about R380. Calculating a conservative illustrative basket, including one panic tracker, an annual safety subscription fee, one monthly self-defense class, pepper spray, and a stun gun, a woman could spend thousands of rand in the first year of self-defense attempts. This amount does not account for costs related to safer transport, private security, insurance, home safety measures, or changing travel routes and times.

This is an invisible bill attached to the life of a woman in a country where the fear of violence can accompany her on the streets, in public transport, at work, and even in her own neighborhood.

Daily Safety Expenses

Women are often advised to avoid walking alone, running, or using isolated routes. They are recommended to share their location, carry protective items, remain vigilant, and have emergency service numbers handy. However, each such measure requires a certain price—whether financial, emotional, or both.

While some women try to figure out if they can afford another level of protection, families mourn other women whose lives have already been cut short. Recent cases of women's deaths in eKhuruleni have drawn intense attention to this fear: according to the government's Interdepartmental Committee on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide, nine female bodies were found in different areas between July and September.

These deaths have once again raised questions about women's safety, the responsibilities of the state and society, and whether women should spend their lives waiting for violence before they can move freely in their communities.

When Disappearance Becomes a Lifelong Trauma for the Family

For Ian Cameron, a DA MP and Chairman of the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Police, the human cost of violence is familiar. He recalled the case of Clio Diko, a mother of three, who went missing in October 2022. 'I still think about Clio Diko,' he recalls. For three months, her family did not know her whereabouts.

In January 2023, Diko's decomposing body was found hidden under a bed in Mandalay, Cape Town. Cameron reported that there was a rope around her neck, and the body was covered in cement and tiles. She was eventually identified through DNA testing. Cameron noted that his team from Action Society supported Diko's family throughout the entire legal process, observing multiple postponements while the mother dealt with the trauma after finding her daughter's remains. In March 2024, Sandile Jegwa pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 20 years in prison for Clio's murder.

Although the conviction brought justice, Cameron emphasized that it could not erase what the family had gone through up to that point. He stated that 'justice prevailed,' but the period between Diko's disappearance and the verdict was a time of uncertainty and grief that her family had to endure. Diko's story showed that the impact of violence does not end with the discovery of the body or the appearance of the accused in court. It is the 'human cost' of the word 'postponement.'

The case also highlighted another issue in the gender-based violence crisis: what happens to families after a woman disappears or is murdered. For families awaiting answers, any delay means another period of uncertainty, and every postponement prolongs the grief.

A Woman's Dignity Does Not End With Her Death

The Soul City Institute warns that women should not be held responsible for preventing violence committed against them. The organization notes: 'It is deeply disturbing that women are repeatedly found abandoned, injured, partially clothed, and displayed in public places.' Soul City asserts that a woman's dignity does not disappear after her death. 'A woman's body does not lose its dignity because she died. She is not a statistical victim of a crime. She is not a warning. She is not a headline.' She was someone's daughter, mother, sister, partner, friend, and community member. 'She is a person whose dignity must be protected in life and after death.'

Soul City also questioned the approach to giving safety advice to women during police investigations. Police urged women in the Kempston Park area not to walk or run alone, especially in isolated areas, and to travel or exercise in groups. While such precautions may be necessary during an investigation, Soul City believes that women cannot be required to reorganize their lives around the threat of violence. The institute insists: 'The responsibility for violence committed against women cannot be placed on the women themselves.' They argue that safety advice should not turn into another form of victim-blaming, questioning why women should risk being killed just for walking, running, working, or traveling home. 'Women should not have to restructure their entire lives because men decide to commit violence.'

A Crisis Requiring More Than Police

Soul City stated that this crisis cannot be solved by law enforcement alone. The organization called for an urgent coordinated response involving SAPS, municipalities, prosecutors, communities, transport authorities, civil society, and other relevant institutions. Its recommendations include thorough investigation of every death, holding perpetrators accountable, creating safer public spaces, improving lighting and transport safety, as well as adequate oversight and prompt local police patrolling, alongside continuous work with men and boys on issues of power, rights, consent, and healthy masculinity.

Furthermore, the institute called for a survivor and family-centered response that protects privacy, dignity, and emotional well-being, as well as responsible media and social media coverage that does not sensationalize female bodies or disseminate graphic images. Soul City stressed that South Africa must move towards prevention instead of waiting for another woman to die before systems start acting.

The Bill Women Should Never Have Had to Pay

However, for women, the cost of living under the shadow of gender-based violence is already being paid. It is paid through panic buttons and safety subscriptions, self-defense classes, and the use of safer transport. It is paid through the fear that turns a simple walk home into a risk calculation. And for families like Diko's, this bill is paid in years of uncertainty, grief, and the wait for justice. South Africa cannot continue to treat every death as an isolated tragedy while women are forced to bear the financial and emotional burden of self-protection. As Soul City said: 'We must stop normalizing the abnormal.'

Popular