Despite declaring gender-based violence a catastrophe, declarations are not enough to save lives in South Africa
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Despite declaring gender-based violence a catastrophe, declarations are not enough to save lives in South Africa

South Africa has declared gender-based violence (GBV) a natural disaster, but this status alone does not ensure the saving of lives. On September 16, a 30-minute silent protest against violence against women took place at Good Hope Castle and in front of the Cape Town central police station. Participants, dressed in black, gathered in silence to honor the memory of women killed by violence and to support those who continue to live in fear.

The discovery of eight murdered women within the Ekurhuleni metropolitan area between July and September 2026 plunged the nation into a grim realization. Every body found tied up, brutally beaten, and discarded serves not only as evidence of a crime but also as a constant reminder of the daily vulnerability of women in South Africa.

The first victim, a 37-year-old woman, was discovered on July 15 near the R21 highway in Rodsfield, Kempton Park. She was found naked and tied with cable ties, foreshadowing a series of murders that spanned two months. By mid-September, eight female bodies had been found across Ekurhuleni.

The police are continuing the investigation to determine if these deaths are connected, possibly committed by a serial killer. However, a deeper question remains: why were several discoveries necessary before a specialized task force was formed? The slow escalation raises uncomfortable questions: were protocols for suspected serial offenders followed? Were detectives, forensic experts, and technology deployed promptly enough? Did failures in leadership at the station or provincial level delay decisive action? And most seriously—was the community warned of the danger, or were they left uninformed until it was reported in the media?

The Constitutional Court ruling in the case of AK v Minister of Police was not just a legal victory for one survivor of rape—it became a national indictment of the failures of the South African law enforcement system. For a long time, women were told to trust a system that regularly let them down. This decision lifted the veil, exposing negligence that had become almost routine in gender-based violence investigations.

In December 2010, a woman was abducted near Kings Beach in Gqeberha and subjected to 15 hours of rape and torture. The police conducted searches—on foot, with dogs, and even by helicopter—but could not find her. She managed to escape on her own. Years later, she sued the Minister of Police, alleging that the omissions during the investigation were negligent. The Constitutional Court agreed, reinstating accountability after lower courts had cleared the police of fault.

The ruling was unequivocal: the police have a constitutional duty to act reasonably and effectively in protecting citizens, especially in cases of gender-based violence. This judgment was supposed to be a turning point, placing the SAPS under constitutional scrutiny and demanding higher standards in searches, forensic work, and victim support. It warned that failures would no longer be covered up by bureaucratic excuses.

Nevertheless, years later, the discovery of serial killings in Ekurhuleni demonstrates how little has changed. Task forces are assembled too late, communities remain unaware, and leadership remains sluggish. Although the ruling provided survivors with a powerful tool—the ability to sue for damages when the police fail them—litigation is not prevention. It is a painful and costly path that begins only after harm has been inflicted. South Africa needs a police force that acts urgently, before women are forced to seek justice in court.

Gender-based violence is not just a crime epidemic; it is a constitutional crisis. Every failure in an investigation is a betrayal of the promise enshrined in our Bill of Rights. The Constitutional Court has spoken. The question is whether the police will listen—or if women will continue to save themselves while justice arrives too late.

President Cyril Ramaphosa has repeatedly stated the priority of GBV at the national level. In 2018, he convened the first summit, promising systemic reforms. In 2024, he signed the National Council on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide Act. In 2025, he classified GBV as a 'national catastrophe'. On July 31, 2026, he appointed members of the National Council to provide strategic guidance until 2029. However, while these appointments were being made, bodies were being found across Ekurhuleni. This timing highlights the gap between policy and real life.

On September 15, another woman was found in Pietermaritzburg—hands tied, burned, and dumped near a landfill. Her death is not an isolated tragedy but part of an unrelenting tide of violence sweeping the country. The annual '16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence,' held from November 25 to December 10, mobilized billions of rands for shelters, survivor services, and justice reforms. They raised awareness and accountability. Nevertheless, their impact is more symbolic than systemic. The rate of GBV remains stubbornly high, rooted in institutions, cultures, and traditions.

What happens after these 16 days? The truth is harsh: GBV is not a seasonal campaign, but a daily national emergency. It is systemic, widespread, and disproportionately affects women and girls. It destroys families, communities, and the very fabric of democracy. South Africa has declared GBV a catastrophe. But declarations alone are not enough to save lives. What is needed is relentless law enforcement, community mobilization, and leadership that acts before the headlines start screaming.

Until then, the painful question remains: is enough being done? Yogas Nair has been appointed co-chair of the GBV department.

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Despite declaring GBVF a national catastrophe, murders of women continue in South Africa
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Despite declaring GBVF a national catastrophe, murders of women continue in South Africa

In South Africa, students and staff from DUT marched silently through Durban to honor the memory of victims of gender-based violence and femicide, and to call for an end to violence, fear, and silence.

In the eThekwini area, the body of a sixth woman was found in approximately two months. Police are investigating possible links between these cases but warn that it is too early to speak of a serial killer's guilt.

Nevertheless, this should not distract from the broader crisis. South Africa does not lack reports of GBVF; it lacks consequences, protection, and urgency.

The case of 38-year-old Elizabeth 'Ntontso' Moselakgomo intensified public anger. Moselakgomo, a mother, went missing after going for a run. Her family later identified her body at the Germiston morgue. The police deployed specialized resources to investigate her death alongside other murders.

The circumstances of the deaths are still being determined, and it would be irresponsible to claim that the women were killed by the same person before investigators establish that. However, six bodies in a concentrated geographical area demand an exceptional response.

Police have already involved multidisciplinary investigators and forensic specialists. One suspect is in custody in connection with the first body found in July. Investigators are now working to identify connections between these cases. Therefore, the public needs more than just assurances that investigations are underway; it needs results.

Because for the women living in eThekwini, the question is not whether the authorities will eventually explain what happened, but whether the state can prevent the next woman from becoming another case.

Murders in eThekwini occur against the backdrop of a national crisis. SAPS registered the murder of 569 women between April and June 2026, as well as 9201 rape cases. Over 60% of the rape cases sampled occurred in residential premises, challenging the notion that violence against women is a danger lurking somewhere outside the home.

The scale of this is precisely what led the government to classify GBVF as a national catastrophe in November 2025. This classification was intended to allow the government to coordinate its response, direct resources to the crisis, and strengthen accountability. The government also established a National GBVF Council to coordinate the national response.

However, almost a year after the declaration of the catastrophe, frontline organizations continue to report serious resource issues. The South African National Shelter Movement states that about 90% of shelters supported by them are struggling with funding and other forms of support. These facilities may be necessary for women trying to escape abusive homes, receive counseling, legal aid, or protect their children.

This reveals a fundamental contradiction. If GBVF is a national catastrophe, the infrastructure protecting its victims cannot be treated as a secondary issue.

South Africa is not alone in the fight against femicide. In Cameroon, reports indicate that over 120 women have been killed by intimate partners since the beginning of the year. In response, the government launched a three-month national campaign targeting femicide, domestic violence, gender inequality, and male dominance, focusing on prevention, reporting crimes, and prosecution.

Cameroon's campaign itself does not solve the problem. Campaigns only make sense when backed by functioning institutions. But the comparison raises an important question for South Africa: what does emergency action look like when a crisis has already been officially recognized?

It should mean swift police investigations. It should mean adequately funded shelters. It should mean prosecutors effectively handling cases. It should mean the enforcement of protection orders. It should mean early intervention when patterns of abuse emerge. And it should mean confronting the attitudes among men who normalize control, the right to dominate, and violence against women.

The most dangerous response right now will be another cycle of outrage followed by another declaration. The state has already acknowledged the problem. President Cyril Ramaphosa declared GBVF a national catastrophe, and the government established a status National Council and promised increased policing, survivor support, and prevention programs.

The question is no longer whether the government understands the crisis. The question is whether the system delivers results. This means publishing measurable targets for investigations, prosecutions, convictions, protection orders, shelter capacity, and police responsiveness. It means identifying where resources are lacking and addressing those gaps instead of creating another layer of bureaucracy. And it means that men must become part of the solution, not just receive instructions to condemn violence after another woman dies.

The women found in eThekwini cannot be reduced to statistics. Nor can the 569 murdered women in three months be reduced to statistics. South Africa has already named GBVF a national catastrophe. Now the state must act as if it believes its own declaration.

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