Namibia sets world record by defeating South Africa; registers two wins in T20 Internationals
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Aaj Tak
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Namibia sets world record by defeating South Africa; registers two wins in T20 Internationals

A significant upset has been witnessed in the world of cricket, where Namibia, ranked 14th, defeated South Africa by a margin of 18 runs. This result came in the first match of the T20 Tri-Series, which started on August 28.

Batting first, the host Namibia scored 163 runs for the loss of 9 wickets in 20 overs, while the South African team could only manage 145 runs for the loss of 9 wickets. With this victory, Namibia has achieved an unprecedented feat in the history of T20 International cricket.

It is noteworthy that Namibia has played only two matches against South Africa so far, and they have won both encounters, maintaining a 100% win percentage. Due to this outstanding performance, Namibia has become the world's first associate team to defeat a strong team like South Africa twice in the T20 International format. Previously, Namibia had also beaten Africa by 4 runs in the 2025 Tri-Series. Besides Namibia, Netherlands is the only other associate team to have defeated South Africa once in the 2022 T20 World Cup.

South Africa decided to bowl first after winning the toss, but Namibia's batsmen thwarted this strategy. Opener Jan Frylinck and Lauren Steenkamp provided a brilliant start, accumulating 84 runs for the first wicket. Steenkamp scored 41 runs off 29 balls, while Frylinck made an impressive 60 runs with 6 fours and 2 sixes against the African bowlers.

In the middle overs, South Africa's bowlers attempted a comeback, with Prenelan Subrayan taking 3 wickets and Byron Fortuin taking 2 wickets, yet Namibia succeeded in posting a solid score of 163/9 in 20 overs. The South African team, coming out with a target of 164 runs, had a very weak start. Namibia's bowlers dismantled their top-order batting right from the beginning.

However, Dewald Brevis, known as Baby AB, held one end and batted aggressively, scoring 75 runs with 4 fours and 5 sixes off 50 balls. While Brevis was at the crease, South Africa's hopes remained alive, but the match swung in Namibia's favor after his dismissal in the 18th over. In the end, Duan Jansen (not out 25 runs off 17 balls) tried, but the entire team was restricted to a score of 145/9 in 20 overs.

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South Africa ended apartheid, but economic inequality persists
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South Africa ended apartheid, but economic inequality persists

More than three decades after the abolition of apartheid, South Africa has achieved political freedom, but the majority of its citizens have not gained economic freedom. Black South Africans participate in elections, hold public office, and lead the national government. Cyril Ramaphosa is the President, and the African National Congress has shaped state policy since 1994.

Nevertheless, political representation has not led to a fundamental redistribution of assets such as productive resources, quality education, employment opportunities, and access to capital that ensure long-term prosperity. Although the racial laws of apartheid were abolished, the economic structure built upon them remains resilient.

Despite varying data in studies, the direction of development is clear: the wealthiest 10% own the vast majority of South Africa's wealth. Millions of people continue to live below the poverty line, and the national unemployment rate exceeds 30%, with youth unemployment being significantly higher.

These figures reflect the situation of millions of people who have the right to vote but lack a realistic path to ownership, employment, or economic independence. South Africa has made significant progress by establishing a constitutional democracy, expanding housing and electricity supply, implementing a social welfare system, and opening universities, professions, and senior corporate leadership to previously excluded groups.

However, transformations have often benefited politically connected minorities, ignoring unemployed workers, shop owners in settlements, rural farmers, and aspiring young entrepreneurs. The Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment program was intended to increase participation, but too often the focus fell on individuals with access to government contracts, funding, and political connections.

Changing the race of a few board members does not change the situation of millions. True transformation requires a shift from symbolic representation to broad ownership. Black South Africans must gain a significant share in land, business, technology, agriculture, mining, finance, and intellectual property. Ownership provides collateral, inheritance, security, and influence. Without assets that can be passed down to the next generation, families remain trapped in survival.

Therefore, land reform must be practical, not merely declarative. Land transferred to Black farmers must be accompanied by secure title, financing, irrigation, equipment, training, and stable market access. Transferring land without tools for its productive use generates frustration, not prosperity. Expropriation without planning can harm food security and investment, while endless delays perpetuate injustice. South Africa needs legal, transparent, and economically productive reform.

Education must become a central economic issue for the country. Too many poor children attend schools that do not provide basic skills in literacy, mathematics, natural sciences, or technical skills. Wealthy families can afford alternatives, while poor families cannot. Every child must have access to accountable teachers, safe classrooms, modern technology, and vocational training that meets real labor market demands.

The government should also tackle unemployment by simplifying the process of creating and developing businesses. Small enterprises require affordable credit, simpler regulations, and protection from corrupt officials demanding bribes. Large corporations and financial institutions must implement measurable programs that fund new Black suppliers and entrepreneurs, rather than limiting themselves to ceremonial mentorship.

South Africa cannot redistribute wealth that its economy is incapable of creating. Power shortages, non-functional railways, damaged ports, crime, and municipal collapse hinder investment and destroy jobs. Economic equality requires a competent state that provides energy, water, transport, and public safety.

Corruption must be viewed as an attack on the poor. Every rand stolen from a public project means an unrepaired classroom, an unfunded business, or a community deprived of water. Political loyalty cannot justify incompetence, and 'freedom credits' cannot become permanent liberation from responsibility.

Corporate South Africa also bears responsibility. Existing wealth was accumulated under unequal conditions. Businesses must expand employee ownership, apprenticeship programs, procurement, and investments in neglected communities. Transformation must become part of the economic strategy, not an annual compliance exercise.

The goal should not be the impoverishment of white South Africans or the replacement of one racial elite with another. The goal is to create a growing economy where race no longer determines ownership, education, employment, or life expectancy. Nelson Mandela helped achieve political freedom. The unfinished work is economic citizenship: the ability to work, own, build, invest, and leave a legacy.

South Africa does not need new promises of transformation. It needs measurable results: more owners, more entrepreneurs, better schools, functioning infrastructure, productive land reform, and consequences for corruption. Apartheid ended legally. It will only end economically when the majority can meaningfully participate in the wealth of the nation they fought to liberate.

Expert opposes creation of Afrikaans university in South Africa due to threat to racial unity
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iol.co.za

Expert opposes creation of Afrikaans university in South Africa due to threat to racial unity

Ambassador Carl Nighaus, an EFF Member of Parliament, voices objections against the establishment of an Afrikaans university such as Akademia, arguing that such an initiative undermines social cohesion and perpetuates racial discord in South Africa.

Nighaus notes that, being fluent in Afrikaans, he refuses to identify as an 'Afrikaner' because the term has become toxic. It has been appropriated and used by those who view it as a racial and cultural fortress rather than a simple linguistic identity shared by people from different segments of society.

The concept of the Afrikaner, mobilized by organizations like AfriForum and the broader Solidarity Movement, is steeped in nostalgia for power, racial anxiety, and a desire to recreate parallel worlds through private means, similar to what apartheid once established, according to the author.

The author strongly condemns the project to build and expand Akademia as an Afrikaans university, emphasizing that this is not a rejection of the Afrikaans language itself, but a rejection of its use as a tool for exclusion, racial division, and the preservation of historical privilege.

New campus developments associated with AfriForum and Solidarity are funded by hundreds of millions of rand, and some reports suggest they approach 3 billion rand in private capital. These projects represent a deliberate attempt to create an educational space that is essentially closed off to the vast majority of South Africa's residents, who are Black.

Naledi Pandor previously commented on this issue, describing the creation of an Afrikaans university with massive private funding as something that should not be accepted. She noted that Jonathan Jansen was almost the only one who dared to speak out while many remained silent, 'too complacent about their freedom.'

Pandor correctly placed this project within the context of the long struggle against centuries of racism and colonialism, observing that those who once held power are unwilling to relinquish it easily, using private capital and cultural organizations as means of reproducing privilege outside democratic control.

Professor Jonathan Jansen, former Rector of the University of the Free State, consistently criticizes this trend. In his column from July 2026, 'Diploma in Isolation,' he argues that education exclusive to the Afrikaans language isolates youth ideologically and racially, failing to prepare them for life in a complex and diverse society.

Jansen has long warned that exclusive Afrikaans institutions concern less about language rights and more about separatism, supporting what he termed 'knowledge in blood'—the intergenerational transmission of bitterness, superiority, and fear of the other.

The Higher Education Transformation Network pointed to the discriminatory nature of such institutions. Akademia's language policy and the practical application of Afrikaans raise serious questions about compliance with the Constitution, the White Paper on Education, and the mandate of the Higher Education Act to ensure equal access and eradicate unjust discrimination.

Bled Nzimande, when serving as Minister of Higher Education, correctly identified the racial consequences of establishing an institution built on the exclusivity of the Afrikaans language and raised the issue of regulatory oversight. These objections touch upon the very essence of what post-apartheid higher education should strive for.

The author shares personal experience, recounting how he grew up in a world where Afrikaans was the language of power, used for humiliation and exclusion. He rejected racial nationalism claiming ownership over Afrikaans and joined the fight against apartheid to prevent his language from serving white supremacy. Today, he sees the actions of AfriForum and its allies as the same old logic, merely in a new guise.

The threat to social cohesion is real, as South African universities have spent decades being arenas of fierce debates over language, leading to racially segregated lecture halls and dormitories. The creation of a private institution, even more monolingual in Afrikaans, exacerbates the problem that the state system has been forced to address.

This project contradicts the very idea of transformation, as transformation in higher education meant dismantling institutional cultural and linguistic regimes that systematically favored one group and excluded others, not eliminating the Afrikaans language.

The author calls for a halt to this project, demanding that the Department of Higher Education and Training, the Council on Higher Education, and relevant quality assurance bodies subject any declaration of accreditation expansion to the strictest scrutiny in line with constitutional values of equality and non-racism.

More broadly, a new national dialogue about language in higher education is necessary, one that rejects the false choice between English monolingualism and Afrikaans exclusivity. Multilingualism that includes everyone is the only democratic path.

South Africa intends to promote regional trade and integration by chairing SADC
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iol.co.za

South Africa intends to promote regional trade and integration by chairing SADC

South Africa plans to use its chairmanship of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to stimulate more active regional trade, processing of critical minerals, infrastructure development, and orderly migration, as member states strive to strengthen economic integration.

Regional leaders will meet in Durban on Monday to hand over the chairmanship, with migration, trade, critical minerals, industrialization, and security on the agenda.

The 46th Ordinary Summit of Heads of State and Government of SADC is scheduled for August 17 at the Albert Lutuli International Convention Centre, gathering representatives from 16 member countries. These countries include Angola, Botswana, Comoros, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eswatini, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.

President Cyril Ramaphosa is expected to take over the SADC chairmanship for the 2026/27 period, and South Africa aims to use its year of leadership to advance regional integration and economic growth.

Minister of International Relations and Cooperation Ronald Lamola stated that South Africa wishes to turn regional commitments into tangible results. He emphasized the need to use this moment to renew commitment to bridging the gap between ambitions stated in regional documents and the capacity of institutions to implement them.

Migration becomes a central theme

One of the issues likely to attract the most attention is migration. South Africa plans to urge SADC countries to ratify the Protocol on Facilitation of Movement of Persons, which will establish a regional framework for human movement.

This issue arises against the backdrop of growing tension in South Africa related to irregular migration, border control, and the movement of people from neighboring countries. Lamola noted that migration problems must be solved through legitimate regional cooperation, insisting that addressing irregular migration issues must occur within an orderly and legal system.

SADC Executive Secretary Elias Magosi reported that seven member states have already ratified the protocol, while 11 ratifications are required for it to enter into force. Magosi urged the remaining member states to accelerate the ratification process so that citizens can truly integrate.

South Africa wants to boost regional trade

Economic integration is another key priority for South Africa. The government seeks to increase intra-regional trade within SADC from approximately 20% to 50%, including developing regional trade, production, and investment within its industrialization program.

Critical minerals are central to this strategy. Lamola explained that SADC countries need to derive greater value from resources extracted in the region instead of primarily exporting raw materials. He stated that changing this trend requires processing resources, creating regional value chains, and increasing trade among themselves.

Infrastructure development—including transport corridors, energy, ports, digital networks, and water resources—is expected to support this endeavor.

The importance of critical minerals

SADC possesses significant mineral reserves that are becoming increasingly sought after by global industries. South Africa insists that member states move beyond simple extraction and export of raw materials, instead developing regional value chains, processing, and production. The goal is to retain more economic value within the region while creating opportunities for investment and employment.

Security and protests

The summit will also be an occasion for a major security operation in Durban. NATJOINTS began its security operation on August 3, covering the Durban International Convention Centre, accommodation sites, routes, side events, and public spaces.

Lieutenant General Tebello Mosikili stated that Durban is ready to host the summit but warned of attempts to disrupt it. He categorically stated that the disruption of the 46th Ordinary SADC Summit would not be tolerated. Authorities emphasized that legal protests are permitted, but crime, intimidation, property damage, and attempts to interfere with the summit will be suppressed according to the law.

What residents of Durban need to know

Changes to traffic around the summit venue are also planned. Volunat Road between Brem Fisher Road and Dr AB Zuma Road will be closed until August 18 as part of preparations for the summit. Drivers traveling in the area of the Durban International Convention Centre should expect increased security and possible disruptions during the summit period.

What will happen on Monday?

Heads of state and government will meet on August 17 for the official handover of the SADC chairmanship to Ramaphosa. The summit will be the first serious test of South Africa's priorities in its year of leadership of the regional bloc. The main focus will be on whether leaders can make progress on regional migration, trade, industrialization, critical minerals, infrastructure, and security. As Magosi warned, broad regional cooperation will be crucial. He concluded that the future of the region will increasingly depend on the ability to trust each other and work together to strengthen regional resilience and advance its own development agenda on its own terms.

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