Forgotten football legends who challenged apartheid are highlighted in a new book
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Forgotten football legends who challenged apartheid are highlighted in a new book

A book titled 'Untold Legends of Wentworth Football' by Lorraine Richards was recently presented at the Durban International Book Fair in the Umlanga area. This book is dedicated to forgotten football stories of players who possessed 'magic on the boots' but were denied a legitimate place in the history of South African football. These athletes achieved success despite the restrictions imposed by apartheid in the 1970s and 1980s, when the non-racial football movement in Durban used sport as a powerful tool of resistance.

Another book presentation event will take place on August 29th at The Blue Roof Wellness Centre in Wentworth.

During the 1970s and 1980s, Durban transformed into a major battleground for 'non-racial' sport. Anti-apartheid activists used football—the most popular sport in the townships—as an effective mechanism to violate segregation laws.

The most direct opposition came from local independent football associations, which refused to cooperate with government-sanctioned and racially segregated sports structures. In Durban, the Durban Central Football Association (DCFA) became a landmark center of resistance. Following the principles of the South African Council of Sport (SACOS), DCFA openly invited players of all races—African, Indian, and Coloured—to participate in one league.

These clubs completely ignored the Group Areas Act, which determined where people of different races could live and socialize. Venues such as Curries Fountain and fields in Merebank and Wentworth became zones of freedom. Every Sunday, thousands of fans filled the stands to watch integrated teams, creating a vibrant multiracial counterculture right before the state's eyes.

Because police and housing inspectors regularly raided matches looking for players who were technically 'illegal' in a certain area, clubs and players had to be inventive to keep non-racial football alive. Administrator Archibald Hallie was a co-founder of SACOS and one of the pioneers of education in Wentworth.

Teams often forged player registration cards. A township African player, such as Umlazi or Kwamashu, could be registered under a common or altered name to blend in with the documentation of the Indian or Coloured league, allowing him to step onto the field unnoticed by checking officials. To play for Lamontville Golden Arrows, Wellington Mes had to use the pseudonym Wellington Mathie.

Many players secretly played for two different clubs. During the day, they might play in the official, segregated league to remain inconspicuous, but on weekends, they could secretly go play for progressive, non-racial clubs in militant independent leagues.

It is impossible to discuss football resistance in Durban without mentioning the Curries Fountain stadium. It served not just as a sporting venue, but as a political incubator. Anti-apartheid organizations, such as the Natal Indian Congress (NIC), trade unions, and the Black Consciousness Movement, used football matches at Curries Fountain as cover for political organization. Under apartheid, political gatherings were strictly forbidden, and the Security Service brutally suppressed protests. However, it was difficult for the state to legally ban a football match.

Activists used halftime breaks, pre-match gatherings, and post-game crowds to distribute anti-apartheid leaflets, hold political speeches, and sing songs of liberation. The famous 'Frelimo Rally' of 1974 (celebrating Mozambique's independence) was organized under the guise of sporting events precisely in this area.

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Criticism of Callie Kreel's statement that apartheid was not a crime against humanity
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Criticism of Callie Kreel's statement that apartheid was not a crime against humanity

Karl Neihaus asserts that Callie Kreel's denial, as CEO of AfriForum, that apartheid was a crime against humanity deserves condemnation. He emphasizes that many South Africans who retain their conscience and memory of the victims oppose attempts by the creators and apologists of racial tyranny to rewrite history in their favor.

Callie Kreel, representing AfriForum, dares to state that apartheid was not a crime against humanity. In doing so, he reduces the systematic extermination of millions of lives, the institutionalized racial dehumanization of an entire people, prisons that served as torture chambers, forced evictions, unlimited detention without trial, murders, and calculated humiliation of human dignity to a mere 'misdeed,' unworthy of the term assigned by the United Nations decades ago. Neihaus calls this not a historical discussion, but moral filth and the callousness of a person who never experienced the pressure of this system, which he is now trying to minimize.

He considers it the voice of unrepentant racial arrogance disguised as intellectual superiority, and an insult to the memory of the dead and living survivors. The author accuses Kreel of arrogance because he has dedicated his entire life and the organization he leads, AfriForum, to defending and perpetuating white privileged status and white supremacy, which in itself is a disgusting crime.

Neihaus details what apartheid was: it was institutionalized racial dehumanization enshrined in the laws of a state that declared Black people less than fully human. The system deprived the people of voting rights, citizenship in their homeland, the right to own land in most of their country, freedom of movement, choice of spouse, unrestricted education for children, and walking without a ticket that could lead to arbitrary imprisonment. The Group Areas Act led to the expulsion of families from their homes into barren settlements and Bantustans. Forced eviction destroyed communities from District Six to Sophiatown, from Pageview to East Cape and beyond, depriving millions of people of shelter, destroying livelihoods, and trampling dignity under the boots of the South African police and army.

The system was sustained by violence, so systematic, cold, and widespread that only a moral idiot or a deliberate apologist could deny its nature as a crime against humanity. The Terrorism Act of 1967 and the Internal Security Act of 1982 sanctioned unlimited detention without trial. People disappeared in John Vorster Square cells, Pretoria Central, and in many other torture chambers across the country, subjected to interrogations, isolation, sleep deprivation, beatings, electric shocks, and waterboarding.

The text provides examples of victims: Steve Bantu Biko was killed in custody in 1977; Neil Aggett was tortured and killed at John Vorster Square in 1982; Griffiths Mkhxenge was kidnapped, beaten, and dismembered in 1981, and his wife Victoria Mkhxenge was shot and beaten in front of their children in 1984. Ruth First was killed by a bomb in Maputo in 1982, and Jeneta Shun and her six-year-old daughter Katrin were killed by a bomb in Angola in 1984.

The author shares personal experience, recounting how reserve officer Nick Ditlefes and Captain van Niekerk from the South African Security Branch brutally tortured him in a solitary cell at John Vorster Square, leading to the loss of over seventy percent of his hearing. Craig Williamson, described as a Security Branch 'super spy,' who participated in the murders of activists, including Ruth First and Jeneta Shun, is also mentioned, and he now lives in a privileged environment.

Furthermore, the author criticizes Walter Basson, known as 'Dr. Death,' who headed the secret chemical and biological weapons program of the apartheid regime, developing agents to be used against South Africans and residents of neighboring countries, including Mozambique. Basson currently lives in Cape Town, practicing as a cardiologist, with no real consequences.

Neihaus argues that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was a mistake because it granted amnesty to murderers and architects of chemical and biological weapons, allowing Williamson and Basson to escape full accountability. Kreel tries to justify his denial by pointing out that communist countries were among the supporters of the UN resolution, but the author rejects this argument, calling it 'anti-communist frenzy.'

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