The tragic story of Zenizole Vena has exposed a systemic failure in South Africa's response to child sexual abuse. As Parliament began investigating these issues, the question arose whether this inquiry could become a turning point in child protection.
In September 2022, residents of South Africa were confronted with a shocking story. Fifteen-year-old Zenizole Vena from Mazerville in Gqeberha allegedly endured four days of detention during which she was subjected to group rape. She managed to escape. Suffering from bleeding, vomiting, and seizures, she sought help from state structures, as any child in danger should. However, at a local clinic, she was allegedly told that she first needed to go to the police. She never reached the police station and died.
Zenizole's story revealed more than just shortcomings in one clinic or criminal group. It showed the dangerously fragmented state of government institutions in combating child sexual violence. Three years later, Parliament finally began asking questions that should have been asked long before Zenizole's death. The Parliamentary investigation into criminal slavery, initiated following a motion by the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in August 2024, forced the country to acknowledge that the problem is not limited to criminal slavery but lies in a systemic failure of identifying, investigating, and prosecuting child sexual exploitation.
Given that the EFF notes thirteen years of consistent advocacy for women's and children's rights, it is worth noting that this investigation did not arise by chance. It resulted from the need for Parliament to examine a contradiction that the government has never properly explained. In the financial year 2024/25 alone, the Ministry of Health registered 2387 births of girls aged 10 to 14 and 114,808 births of girls aged 15 to 19. Meanwhile, the Department of Social Development recorded 9,857 cases of child sexual abuse for the same period, while acknowledging that cases remain significantly underreported.
These figures are shocking in themselves, but they become even more alarming when compared to statistics from the South African Police Service (SAPS). Between 2020 and 2025, SAPS registered only 3,232 cases of criminal slavery nationwide. Of these, 1,853 cases, or 57.3%, were withdrawn before or during trial, and only 449 cases, which is 13.9%, resulted in convictions.
For many years, South Africa viewed criminal slavery as an isolated crime rather than recognizing it as an intersection point of multiple crises. Child sexual abuse cannot be separated from teenage pregnancy; teenage pregnancy from HIV infection among adolescent girls; and vulnerability to HIV/AIDS from age-gap relationships, poverty, coercion, and transactional sex. Child abuse is simultaneously a law enforcement issue, a public health crisis, an educational crisis, a development crisis, and ultimately, a governance crisis.
Adolescents and young women continue to bear a disproportionately heavy burden of new HIV infections. Young women aged 15 to 24 are significantly more likely to contract HIV/AIDS than their male counterparts, primarily due to unequal power dynamics, predatory older men, sexual violence, and structural inequality. Thus, early pregnancies and child sexual exploitation are manifestations of the same social conditions that continue to deprive young women of bodily autonomy, safety, and opportunities.
Despite these interconnected realities, the government has historically responded in isolation. Medical records document pregnancies, Basic Education monitors student attendance and pregnancies, Social Development registers child abuse, SAPS investigates criminal offenses, and the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) handles court proceedings.
This is why the National Assembly adopted the EFF's motion presented on August 27, 2024, which ultimately led to the investigation that began in July 2025 and recently presented its briefing. The motion called on the Portfolio Committees on Health, Social Development, Basic Education, Police, and Justice to conduct a joint public participation program on criminal slavery. It recognized that Parliament itself must look beyond departmental boundaries to understand why children continue to be overlooked by the state.
The findings recently presented in the briefing confirm what communities, researchers, and activists have said for years. The investigation established that criminal slavery remains significantly underreported because victims fear retaliation, families often obstruct disclosure, and communities continue to normalize exploitative relationships between adults and children, while professionals obligated to report abuse often fail to meet mandatory reporting obligations.
Equally concerning was the testimony regarding educational institutions. The research presented showed that between 11% and 16% of children aged 15 to 17 were sexually abused, yet only about a third of victims sought help. At the same time, between 2019 and 2022, the South African Council for Educators (SACE) received 474 reports of sexual misconduct involving teachers, while schools continued to report instances of sexual assault occurring in the learning environment.
Therefore, there has always been insistence that every pregnancy involving a child under the age of consent must automatically trigger a multidisciplinary investigation involving medical personnel, SAPS, and social workers. It is unacceptable for a child to give birth before the state determines if that pregnancy is the result of a crime. If the identity of the biological father is unknown, disputed, or intentionally concealed, investigators must be empowered, under judicial oversight and always acting in the best interests of the child, to use DNA testing to establish paternity and identify perpetrators.
Mandatory reporting obligations must also have significant consequences. Teachers, medical staff, and social workers who knowingly fail to report suspected criminal slavery must face serious legal sanctions. Furthermore, Parliament must legislatively adopt an integrated national reporting system linking the Ministries of Health, Basic Education, Social Development, SAPS, and the NPA. It is unacceptable that government departments continue to maintain separate databases that do not allow for reliable determination of whether a child's pregnancy registered by one department is the subject of a criminal investigation by another.
Finally, Parliament must address critical weaknesses in the criminal justice system. More than half of all registered cases of criminal slavery must never disappear before reaching a conclusion. This requires increased investment in family violence, child protection, and sexual offense units, specialized prosecutors, forensic social workers, DNA processing capacity, more Thuthuzela Care Centres, and comprehensive victim support services that allow children and their families to remain engaged throughout lengthy legal processes.
The Parliamentary investigation into criminal slavery must be the moment when South Africa finally acknowledges that child abuse is not merely a collection of isolated crimes, but a profound failure of a democratic state. As the EFF reflects on thirteen years of advocating for women's and children's rights, this investigation serves as a reminder that Parliament is strongest when it transforms public pain into public policy. The motion that initiated this process was never intended to create another report for parliamentary archives; it was designed to compel the state to confront a crisis it has ignored for too long.
Every January, after the publication of final examination results, there is often an argument in South Africa that the passing threshold is too low, that the level of education has declined, and that standards have collapsed. The opinion arises that educational institutions are issuing certificates that lose their value, leading to the conclusion that the South African education system has failed.
While acknowledging problems such as overcrowded classrooms, unbearable working conditions for teachers, and persistent inequality between schools with different resources, the article points to one often ignored factor. Since 1994, the population of South Africa has increased by more than 50 percent. Every year, hundreds of thousands of new students must be integrated into an already overloaded system, placing the system before the task not only of improving results but also of expanding while maintaining standards.
The latest report from the Inclusive Society Institute aimed to test the hypothesis: has the South African education system truly fallen, or does public perception outpace the actual data? The findings of this study challenge many established notions. For example, the common misconception that 30% is sufficient to pass a certificate is misleading, as the National Senior Certificate is a multi-level qualification where different levels (Higher Certificate, Diploma, Bachelor) require increasing achievements.
Furthermore, the data shows that the proportion of students achieving a bachelor's degree level is growing. If in 2008 the share of such graduates was 20.1% of all passers, by 2024 this figure rose to 47.8%. Moreover, diplomas remain a significant path, accounting for 28.3% of passers in 2024. Thus, the system is producing not just more certificates, but more meaningful outcomes.
If standards had truly collapsed, a decrease in the proportion of students entering universities would have been expected; however, the opposite has occurred. More young South Africans are obtaining qualifications that open doors to higher education than ever before. This success has created a new challenge: the increase in applicants has intensified competition for limited places. However, this is not the same as exclusion. The participation rate of Black South Africans in universities aged 20–24 increased from 11.1% in 2002 to 21.6% in 2022. Among Coloured South Africans, this figure rose from 10.7% to 14.2%. Although the participation of Indian-Asians and White South Africans has decreased, they continue to participate at a level significantly above the national average. The report attributes this to changes in post-school choices and financial dynamics, not to a deterioration in access to higher education.
A similar trend is observed outside the certificate level. The overall education level of the population is steadily rising. In 1996, only 2.9% of adult Black Africans aged 20 and over had a diploma or higher qualification. By 2024, this percentage reached 10.2%. Among Coloured South Africans, it rose from 4.1% to 10.7%; among Indian-Asians, from 9.4% to 25.1%; and among Whites, from 21.3% to 37.7%. This means that the probability of having such a qualification for Black adults has improved from about one in thirty-four to one in ten, for Coloured adults from one in twenty-four to one in nine, for Indian-Asians from one in eleven to one in four, and for Whites from about one in five to almost two in five.
It is emphasized, however, that this does not mean that South African schools are working perfectly. Many students still struggle with reading comprehension, and many schools lack adequate infrastructure. There are teacher shortages in certain subjects and provinces. Educational outcomes remain closely linked to geography, income level, and the quality of individual schools. These serious problems cannot be ignored.
However, serious problems do not equal systemic collapse. The danger of the narrative of collapse is that it hides areas of real progress. If every improvement is dismissed as statistical manipulation or a decline in standards, public discourse loses its ability to distinguish what works from what requires urgent reform. Data should be used to accurately identify problems, not to defend failures.
The education system undoubtedly produces too many disappointing results, but it has also graduated millions of additional students, more youth with university qualifications, and significantly improved examination results, which are often not discussed in the public sphere. These achievements should not be dismissed simply because they coexist with serious shortcomings.
Proportionality is important: if South Africans become convinced that the education system is irreversibly destroyed, reform will seem futile. Instead, the data points to a different conclusion. The system is under immense pressure, it is uneven and often inefficient, reflecting deep social inequality, but it is still capable of improvement.
Countries whose institutions have truly failed do not demonstrate sustained growth in education levels or an increase in the number of students reaching high academic thresholds. Countries under pressure can do both, even when facing enormous structural difficulties. The purpose of the data is to show the current state of affairs so that reform is based on reality, not rhetoric. The South African education system needs better management, increased accountability, and continuous investment in quality, but no reforms begin with the conviction that the system has already broken down. They begin with recognizing its potential for improvement.
Thus, the choice is not between denying problems and declaring total collapse, but between despair and realism. Realism acknowledges both progress and failures, identifying weaknesses while simultaneously defining the foundation for further transformation. This is the kind of conversation South Africa needs: not because the system has reached perfection, but because it has not collapsed where many assume it has.
While long queues of citizens seeking to vote in the first democratic elections were observed in South Africa in 1994, too many South Africans today treat Election Day as just another public holiday. They forget that millions across the continent are fighting to preserve the right they so easily ignore.
Last Tuesday, 83-year-old Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa signed a controversial new law that irreversibly strengthens his control over power. As part of this highly contentious move, he signed legislation extending his tenure as president for another two years after his term expires. More alarming is that this law effectively strips Zimbabwean citizens of the right to vote directly for their president, transferring this authority exclusively to the Zimbabwean Parliament.
This move by Mnangagwa has fundamentally altered the political landscape of Zimbabwe. Democracies around the world are largely based on the principle of voting and the ability to directly influence the determination of leadership. Without this fundamental principle, the spirit of democracy significantly weakens.
The situation is particularly telling for Zimbabwe, which was previously led by former President Robert Mugabe, who held power for over 30 years. It appears his successor is attempting to replicate the same trend. This crisis should serve as a serious warning to neighboring South Africa, as the country approaches its own local elections on November 4th. Today, Zimbabwean citizens are watching one of the most fundamental pillars of democracy slip away from them: the right to choose their leaders.
In their home country, South Africa, this right still exists. However, too many South Africans perceive Election Day as a mere celebration, forgetting the struggle of millions on the continent to protect this right. Voting is not just a constitutional right; it is a privilege that, history shows, can be undermined, manipulated, or taken away. The greatest tragedy is not losing the vote, but having it and refusing to use it.
This is a key aspect of democracy that seems to be forgotten by everyone. Participation is crucial; it is a gift. It is a tangible opportunity to shape your nation at a systemic level. It is the power to determine the presidency, the party, and the leaders who affect people's daily lives. Too often, people complain louder about the government than they participate in choosing it. They condemn unscrupulous corruption, high unemployment, crumbling infrastructure, and inefficient municipalities, and then disappear (every five years) when the ballot box calls to them.
People speak as if democracy owes them something, especially in South Africa, conveniently forgetting that democracy also demands something from them. The ballot paper may seem insignificant, but history has repeatedly shown it to be one of the most powerful tools ordinary people possess. The harsh truth is that apathy is never politically neutral. Your decision not to vote is a decision in itself. When you do not vote, you fail to realize that every election you refuse to participate in still leads to someone winning. The only difference is that someone else decided it.
Whether it is leaders or citizens, systems or organizations, democracy does not vanish overnight; it erodes gradually, with every decision. And this erosion is rarely the result of government actions alone. It also depends on the silence, complacency, and inaction of the very people for whom democracy was intended. Democracy dies not only when governments steal elections; it also dies when citizens voluntarily give up their vote due to apathy. It would be a profound shame to wait until the ballot is taken from us before we understand its value.
The fact is that Zimbabwe is not an isolated case. African history is replete with leaders who came promising liberation but then clung to power for decades. Many ruled for 30, 40, and even 50 years not because democracy suddenly failed, but because the people's power was gradually diminished, intimidated, or completely taken away. This is the true danger of political apathy.
By the time citizens realize the value of their democratic vote, it is often already silenced. Democracy survives only as long as ordinary people are willing to use it, defend it, and refuse to hand it over. It is sad that the democracy and freedoms we enjoy today in our societies were hard-won—literally with the blood, sweat, and tears of our own parents, grandparents, and millions of victims.
The memory of this fight for the right to vote must be paramount on Election Day. Every time we ignore Election Day, we not only completely disgrace their struggle; we spit in the face of their great sacrifice. Across the continent, our post-independence societies face numerous challenges, though some are more acute than others. Yet, we seriously risk our future when we neglect opportunities like elections. The risk is not just exclusion or disinformation; it is the gradual theft of our freedom while we stand aside, convinced that someone else will stop it.
We cannot continue to act as if democracy is invincible. It is not invincible. It has been seized before. It has been manipulated before. It has been stolen before. And history has never been merciful to those who voluntarily gave up their vote. Perhaps the biggest lie we tell ourselves is that one vote can change nothing. However, every election in history has been decided by the cumulative weight of individual decisions. Democracy has never depended on one heroic citizen. It has always depended on millions of ordinary people who believed their vote was important enough to use.
The lesson of Zimbabwe is not just for Zimbabwe. It applies to every nation arrogant enough to assume democracy is guaranteed. It is not guaranteed. Every freedom we enjoy today exists because someone before us refused to accept oppression as inevitable. This is what any free nation is built upon. Zimbabwe should not only evoke our sympathy. It should expose our complacency. Today, Zimbabwean citizens are desperately trying to preserve their inherent strength: their vote. South Africa and countless other countries could find themselves in the same situation.
Our democracies fail not because we care too much; they fail because too many of us have convinced ourselves that someone else will take care of us. Year after year, we mourn broken governments while refusing to participate in building better ones. But the obvious truth is that democracy requires more than honest leaders; it requires active citizens. Otherwise, today's silence will undoubtedly become tomorrow's crisis. If anything the situation in Zimbabwe teaches us, it is this: democracy is much easier to take for granted than to reclaim.
