The United States announced on Thursday the imposition of new tariffs on 60 trading partners. These measures are being introduced due to issues related to forced labor and replace an expiring global levy that was previously implemented this year by US President Donald Trump.
These duties, which take effect on Friday, range from 10 to 12.5 percent and affect major economies such as China, India, and the European Union. A representative from U.S. Customs, Jameson Green, stated that the US has maintained a ban on importing goods produced by forced labor for nearly a century and strictly enforces it, emphasizing that it is time for other trading partners to do the same.
The Trump administration sought to restore the president's tariff barrier after the Supreme Court invalidated several of his duties in February, which weakened his ability to arbitrarily impose high fees. Following this unsuccessful move, Trump used various authorities to reintroduce a 10 percent import tariff, but this temporary levy was only valid for 150 days and expired on Friday. Now, new duties, initially proposed in June, are replacing it, and these are considered more resilient to legal challenges.
According to the announcement on Thursday, economies that have either implemented a ban on importing goods produced by forced labor or have committed to doing so fall under a lower rate of 10 percent. These countries include Canada, the EU, India, and the United Kingdom. Meanwhile, China, Japan, South Korea, and dozens of other countries were deemed worthy of the higher rate of 12.5 percent.
However, the EU, Taiwan, Japan, South Korea, and Switzerland receive some mitigation, consistent with trade agreements they previously concluded with the United States. The new tariffs drew sharp condemnation from the targeted countries. Japanese government representative Minoru Kihara expressed Tokyo's regret over these tariffs, noting that the higher rate is based solely on the absence of a ban on imported products made with forced labor.
Australian Trade Minister Don Farrell called the tariffs 'unjustified,' arguing that they 'contradict our free trade agreement and must be revoked.' A US official told journalists that goods already subject to industry tariffs, such as steel and aluminum, will not be affected, and certain types of energy products and fertilizers, as well as goods covered by the US-Mexico-Canada Free Trade Agreement, will also be exempted.
Washington is separately investigating 16 economies regarding excess industrial capacity, which could lead to additional tariffs. Experts warn that this could ultimately result in different rates for different countries. According to trade lawyer Greta Paish, the Trump administration's move to introduce a baseline tariff while maintaining the threat of further duties allows it to maintain influence over trading partners.
She added that this also encourages countries to adhere to previously concluded trade agreements. According to Paish, former senior advisor to the U.S. Trade Representative's Office, now a partner at Wiley Rein, officials aim for their incoming tariffs to be robust in case of litigation.
Josh Lipsky of the Atlantic Council told AFP that this increases the likelihood that they will remain in force throughout Trump's term, signaling the largest global economy's shift towards greater protectionist policies. He also noted that the revival of tariffs increases government revenue.
The latest wave of measures followed shortly after the implementation of a 25 percent tariff on various Brazilian goods, as Washington accused the Latin American giant of unfair trade practices. This week, Trump also ordered the introduction of new 50 percent tariffs on many Canadian products, citing Ottawa's 'discriminatory treatment' of American alcohol, automobiles, and dairy products. Lipsky noted that the Canadian tariffs, taking effect in a month, rely on an unproven legal position, demonstrating that Trump has other tools for rapid application. He concluded that US tariff deals are 'still fragile.' Nevertheless, the EU, having signed a trade agreement, expects Washington to 'honor the commitments outlined in the EU-US Joint Statement.'
Supply chains in South Africa are facing serious disruptions caused by geopolitical tensions and growing cyber threats. Amid rising costs and increasing operational complexity, businesses are forced to strategically adapt to secure their future.
A central theme at the XIII Industrial Indaba, held in Sandton on July 14 and 15 under the slogan 'Made in Africa: Scaling Growth and Shaping Trade,' was the gap between what Africa extracts or grows and what it actually produces. Deputy President Paul Mashatile and several government and industry representatives used this platform to reiterate an old goal: Africa must stop exporting raw materials and start supplying finished goods.
The example of a value chain, such as a cup of coffee, clearly illustrates this problem. The farmer grows and harvests the beans, but before anyone drinks the beverage, the beans must be roasted, ground, packaged, branded, and sold, and profit is made at each of these stages. According to government data, industry already accounts for about 13 percent of South Africa's economy and provides over 1.6 million direct jobs. Nevertheless, Statistics South Africa reported in June that the sector contracted by 0.8 percent in the first quarter of 2026, marking the second consecutive quarterly decline.
Ambitions for industrialization are not new. Only the urgency has changed, as officials increasingly use the term 'reindustrialization,' which more honestly acknowledges South Africa's loss of a significant portion of its production capacity, which it is now trying to recover.
If African governments are looking for a living example of what serious value-added policy can achieve and where it might fail, the Indonesian nickel sector is an obvious benchmark. In 2014, Jakarta banned the export of unprocessed nickel ore, strengthened this restriction in 2020, and supported it with industrial parks, tax holidays, and foreign investment—much of which was Chinese—with the aim of building domestic processing capacity.
The results have been impressive: Indonesia's nickel-related exports grew from approximately $6 billion in 2013 to nearly $30 billion by 2022. The growth was driven by the export of refined products, steel, and battery materials. The country now supplies over half of the world's nickel production, a level of market concentration few resource-rich nations have achieved in a single commodity category.
In contrast, Africa holds nearly a third of the world's known mineral reserves, yet according to an analysis by the Atlantic Council, only 2.8 percent of global foreign direct investment was attracted to critical mineral processing between 2019 and 2023. This imbalance is what the 'Made in Africa' rhetoric attempts to correct. However, the Indonesian model was not without costs and controversy. The European Union challenged the nickel export ban at the World Trade Organization, and the dispute panel found that it violated trade rules, although the paralyzed WTO appeals system rendered the decision practically meaningless.
At the local level, Zimbabwe's attempt to replicate the Indonesian approach by restricting raw lithium exports encountered a more distinctly African problem: mining companies were reluctant to build processing plants without reliable infrastructure for electricity, water, and transport. These are the very gaps that reindustrialization policy should address, but which often cannot be closed quickly enough to meet export ban deadlines. The conclusion is not that export restrictions and local content mandates do not work, but that they are only effective when combined with an invisible, capital-intensive foundation of energy, logistics, and finance, and in that order.
Here, the rhetoric of the Industrial Indaba faces the same test that undermined previous South African industrial strategies. Linda Matuvane, one of the event organizers, and Kamil Ali, press secretary to the Minister of Trade, Industry and Competition Parks Tau, spoke about involving entrepreneurs from slums and small producers in supply chains currently dominated by large firms. This is the right instinct. However, it is also the part of industrial policy that is constantly underfunded compared to the incentives provided to large investors.
A small producer cannot simply wish to enter a multinational corporation's supply chain; they require affordable financing, reliable electricity, and real contracts that the conference panel cannot provide. Modern factories, meanwhile, increasingly rely on automation and digital systems to maintain competitiveness, meaning that the jobs created may bear little resemblance to the linear labor promised by old industrial strategies. Fewer jobs on the production line, more demand for technicians and machine operators—a shift that benefits ordinary workers only if quality training channels are established well before the factories begin operating.
There is also a myth concerning consumers that needs dispelling. Local products are not necessarily cheaper than imports. South African factories still have to import equipment, chemicals, and components, pay for electricity and financing, and often operate at smaller scales than international competitors, which can make local goods more expensive, at least initially. This is not necessarily evidence of policy failure. The country can reasonably decide that a small increase in the price of a local product is worth it for creating jobs, skills, and industrial potential in the long run. But this trade-off must be honestly communicated to consumers, rather than presented as an automatic discount, which South African politicians have not always demonstrated discipline in doing.
South Africa's current industrial strategy rests on three pillars: decarbonizing product output due to tightening carbon rules in international markets for traded goods, diversifying to reduce dependence on volatile commodity prices, and digitizing production to maintain competitiveness. Each of these points is a valid response to real external pressure. However, each is costly, and the enterprises that can afford cleaner equipment and digital upgrades are the large incumbent players who are already best positioned to benefit from the 'Made in Africa' policy, while the small producers that officials want to include often cannot cover the initial costs.
A credible industrial strategy must account for this contradiction, rather than assuming that decarbonization, diversification, and industrial inclusion move in the same direction by default.
None of the above means that the fundamental instinct behind 'Made in Africa' is wrong. A continent that continues to export ore and import finished goods made from that same ore with a significant markup is not building an economy that reduces unemployment or protects itself from commodity price fluctuations. The Indonesian example demonstrates what can be achieved when export policy, infrastructure investment, and industrial planning act in concert over a long period. It also shows that benefits concentrate where capital and contracts are directed—this is precisely the question African governments have yet to answer convincingly. The conference slogan and declaration will not train a technician, electrify an industrial park, or secure the first order for a slum supplier. 'Made in Africa' becomes more than just rhetoric only when the jobs, ownership, and contracts it creates become visible to the people for whom this policy is intended.
CFMOTO confirmed that the third batch of motorcycle reservations in Brazil will open on July 27th at 12 am. This announcement comes shortly before the Chinese manufacturer sold out the first two batches within minutes, reinforcing the brand's progressive growth plan in the national territory.
In addition to the new sales round, the company announced the addition of a new dealership in the city of Brasília (DF), aiming to expand its service coverage. In this third reservation phase, the Ibex 450, Ibex 700, CL-C 450, and CL-C 450 Bobber models will be available. A significant highlight is the introduction of the new Galaxy Gray color for the CL-C 450 model, enriching the variety of this classic cruiser-style motorcycle.
As in previous stages, reservations must be made exclusively through the manufacturer's official portal. It is necessary to complete a prior registration, validate the email, and select the desired model before sales begin. The company advises that the entire procedure be completed in advance to optimize the acquisition.
Since entering Brazil, CFMOTO has implemented a sales methodology based on limited batches, standardized pricing, and prior communication of sales rules. According to the manufacturer, this approach aims to prevent logistical delivery problems and ensure that the dealership and after-sales support infrastructure can keep up with the increasing demand. Urano Carvalho, head of motorcycles for CFMOTO Brazil, stated that the purpose is to create a more predictable, accessible, and transparent experience for the Brazilian consumer, allowing everyone equal conditions of access to the models.
CFMOTO also used this announcement to confirm the partnership with Grupo V12 as the brand's new retailer in Brasília. The permanent unit, located in the Sector of Industry and Supply (SIA), is in the final stages of construction and is expected to start operating within the next three months. Until the physical store opens, the group will already represent CFMOTO during the Capital Moto Week event.
Urano Carvalho justified that the selection of Grupo V12 is part of the strategy to expand the authorized network, emphasizing that the Federal District represents a crucial market and that having an experienced partner reinforces the premium quality offered to customers.
Between July 23rd and August 1st, CFMOTO will return to Capital Moto Week with a dedicated stand for the line of motorcycles sold in Brazil. In addition to the four launched models, the company plans to display motorcycles that have not yet been formally announced to the Brazilian market, following the pattern of past events to gauge public reaction.
One of the expected highlights is the Ibex 800-X, which is expected to enter the mid-displacement trail segment of the brand. The space will also include a licensed merchandise boutique and assistance for those interested in the CFMOTO consortium. Renato Ferri, Head of Marketing for CFMOTO Brazil, explained that presenting future launches to the public is part of the company's tactic, as it is a CFMOTO tradition to show its entire line before official confirmation, thus seeking to understand riders' opinions on the brand's potential in Brazil.
