Meta has announced the start of construction of a large data center in Sturgeon County, Alberta, Canada. This facility will be Meta's first data center in Canada and its thirty-third globally. The planned capacity of the installation will be one gigawatt (GW).
This center will consume electricity comparable to the consumption of 750,000 to 800,000 residential homes, based on North American standards. Investments in this project will amount to over 13 billion Canadian dollars, which at the current exchange rate is equivalent to just over 47 billion Brazilian reais. Furthermore, the company plans to allocate about 60 million Canadian dollars (218 million Brazilian reais) to improve local infrastructure, including roads and water supply.
The megadata center being built in Canada will be used by Meta primarily for two purposes: processing artificial intelligence (AI) workloads and supporting its core products. According to Meta's announcement made on Thursday (08), the infrastructure will perform the following functions:
Regarding energy consumption, Meta stated that it is taking responsibility to avoid negative impact on local residents. Moreover, the company is financing the creation of a new energy generation and transmission structure in Alberta. Meta emphasized that all electrical consumption of the data center will be fully offset by clean and renewable energy. The company also reported cooperation with local authorities and service providers (Greenlight Limited Partnership, Altalink, Capitol Power, and Alberta Electric System Operator) for proactive planning of meeting its energy needs.
Concerning water usage, Meta specified that the mega data center under construction will employ a closed-loop liquid cooling system and dry cooling. According to the company, this means the cooling system will not consume water. Water consumption will be limited to domestic needs, fire protection systems, and equipment maintenance. Meta's goal, related to Zak's leadership, is to achieve 'water positive' status by 2030—meaning restoring more water to the environment than is consumed in its operations.
According to Meta, the construction of the megadata center in Canada is expected to create over three thousand jobs during peak work periods. After completion, the operation of the facility is projected to provide over 300 vacancies.
Norwegian archaeologists have presented data on extremely ancient fishing traps found in a mountain lake. The research confirmed that the age of the two earliest of these traps reaches approximately 7000 years. Scientists concluded that since there was no fish in the lake after the glacier retreated, it could not have gotten there naturally; therefore, humans must have stocked this Kumzhey reservoir, a practice that continued for millennia.
Around 8000 BCE, the interior territories of Southern Norway were freed from glacial cover. Following this event, not only wild animals but also Mesolithic hunter-gatherers and fishermen arrived in the newly opened lands. This period in the region lasted until approximately 3900 BCE. At that time, hunters likely traveled to the inland areas primarily in search of large animals such as moose and reindeer. Many mountain lakes and rivers that had recently been freed from ice did not contain fish.
One such body of water was presumably Lake Tesse, located at an altitude of about 850 meters above sea level. According to historical records, the stream flowing out of the lake hosted about 25 species of fish. Lake Tesse exclusively contained brown trout (Salmo trutta). Before the lake was converted into a reservoir in the 1940s due to the construction of a hydroelectric power plant, up to nine tons of this fish were harvested annually. Previous archaeological findings indicated that trout had been caught in Tesse since ancient times.
One clear piece of evidence for this was an object discovered in 2022 by amateur archaeologist Reidar Marstein. He found a fishing trap on the bottom of Tesse during a low water level, which preliminary estimates dated to about 7000 years old. In 2023, professional archaeologists conducted detailed surveys in this area. Their results were presented in an article by Axel Mierum from the University of Oslo and his Norwegian colleagues.
During the work, scientists recorded five fishing traps, one of which was fully excavated. It was determined that pine was mainly used to make the traps, with birch and willow being used less frequently. Using radiocarbon dating and dendrochronology, the age of four traps belonging to different eras was established. Two traps date back to the Late Mesolithic, around 5000 BCE, while the other two date to the Neolithic period, around 3850 and 2700 BCE.
Such early fishing traps in the Scandinavian mountains had not been documented before. Although evidence of fishing on the shores of Lake Tesse during the Mesolithic era is known, the question arose as to how the brown trout ended up in the water body, given the presence of natural barriers. The article's authors consider the most probable hypothesis to be that Mesolithic hunter-gatherers intentionally stocked the lake by moving trout (possibly in special containers) from their natural habitats. Researchers believe that such activity can be regarded as an early form of production agriculture, implying long-term planning, as achieving a sufficient quantity of fish required a lot of time.
It is worth noting that in 2025, another group of researchers discovered evidence of stocking a high-altitude lake in Catalonia, but this occurred much later—in the early Middle Ages, around the 7th century CE. Notably, in the case of Catalonia, brown trout were also introduced into the lake.
The project team presented the description of the Casa Libertad / Clusellas Ades project. This project focuses on developing a suburban residential model that circumvents the usual restrictions found on plots located between adjacent buildings.
To achieve this goal, the project adopts a distinct approach: instead of being limited by neighboring constructions, it keeps them at a visible distance. These structures are then treated as green areas, integrating continuously with the vegetation present in the property's garden.
Two years after the adoption of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China Resolution on further deepening comprehensive reforms to promote modernization, China's ecological civilization reform continues to develop. In this context, green development is becoming an increasingly significant factor determining the country's economic and energy strategies.
Through institutional innovations, industrial modernization, and energy transition, China's green transformation is changing its energy future while simultaneously helping to alleviate global energy tensions and providing valuable experience for strengthening global energy security and green governance.
The logic of China's reforms is that carbon emission reduction should not rely solely on administrative requirements. It must be integrated into markets, the financial sector, industry, and daily economic decisions. This is why China continues to improve its national carbon market. Initially applied in the energy sector, the carbon market has been expanded to major industrial sectors such as steel, cement, and aluminum production. These sectors are closely linked to infrastructure, manufacturing, and urban development. Including them in the carbon market means that carbon costs, emission data, and low-carbon technologies will increasingly influence companies' investment and production decisions.
In parallel, China has strengthened the role of green finance. Clearer standards for green loans, green bonds, and other financial instruments help direct capital towards renewable energy sources, energy efficiency improvements, clean transport, green manufacturing, and other low-carbon projects. For businesses, this changes the nature of the green transition: low-carbon modernization ceases to be merely a compliance requirement, transforming into a source of financial advantage and long-term competitiveness.
These transformations are part of broader efforts to change China's development model. The country has invested heavily in renewable energy, electric vehicles, energy storage, smart grids, and low-carbon manufacturing. The growth of these industries is not accidental; it reflects the cumulative impact of political leadership, large markets, infrastructure construction, technological innovation, and industrial competition. Thus, the ecological civilization reform is inseparable from modernization and has become one of the foundations of Chinese modernization.
The automotive sector serves as a prime example. China is currently the world's largest electric vehicle market. The rapid growth of electric mobility is changing the structure of energy demand in the transport sector. Previously, economic growth, urbanization, and increased household incomes typically led to higher consumption of gasoline and diesel fuel. Today, a growing share of transport demand is met by electricity. As China's power supply system becomes cleaner, this shift also paves the way for deeper transport decarbonization.
The importance of this transformation becomes even clearer against the backdrop of global energy instability. In recent years, geopolitical conflicts, supply chain disruptions, uncertainty in shipping routes, and frequent oil price volatility have reminded the world of the central role of energy security for economic stability. For many developing countries, high oil prices are not just market fluctuations; they mean inflation, pressure on foreign exchange reserves, increased transportation costs, and worsening growth prospects.
China is not immune to such shocks. It remains a major energy consumer and oil importer. However, the green reform has enhanced the resilience of China's energy system. Electrification, the expansion of renewable energy, and improved energy efficiency have reduced China's dependence on oil for growth. When international oil prices fluctuate, China is less tied to the old paradigm where every additional unit of economic growth required more oil consumption.
This matters not only for China but for the entire world. If China, with its massive market and production capacity, had continued along the traditional path of intensive fossil fuel consumption, global oil demand would face even greater pressure. Oil prices could be higher, and the burden on energy-importing countries heavier. Instead, China's green industrial transformation has redirected part of its incremental energy demand from oil to electricity and clean energy. This does not eliminate global energy risks, but it provides an important buffer.
Thus, China's internal reform has external significance. By reducing its reliance on fossil fuels for growth, China strengthens its own energy security while contributing to global energy stability. The world often discusses China's green transition in terms of climate change, which is important. But its contribution to global energy security must also be recognized. China's more flexible and cleaner energy system helps reduce pressure on global fossil fuel markets.
For developing countries, China's experience does not imply the need to copy all policy tools. Countries differ in resources, industrial structures, fiscal capabilities, and stages of development. The underlying logic is more useful. First, green development requires institutions, not just slogans. Carbon markets, green finance, emissions disclosure, and energy efficiency standards can change incentives for firms and investors, helping to turn emission reduction from an external constraint into an internal business decision.
Second, decarbonization must be linked to energy security. For many developing countries, reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels is not just a climate goal but also a way to reduce vulnerability to oil price shocks, protect macroeconomic stability, and strengthen developmental autonomy. Third, green industries require scale. China's experience shows that clean technologies become accessible when supported by infrastructure, large markets, supply chains, and competition. The goal is not perpetual subsidy dependence, but creating conditions where green technologies can compete, expand, and benefit ordinary consumers.
Two years after adopting the reform resolution, China's ecological civilization reform demonstrates that green development is not an obstacle to modernization but a driver of it. By using reforms to guide markets, industry, and finance toward a low-carbon future, China is shaping its own energy future while easing pressure on the world. This path of reform, balancing both internal and external imperatives, offers a replicable example of institutional innovation for global energy governance.
