An open letter is addressed to Jasinte Ngobeze-Zuma, the leader of the March and March anti-immigrant movement in South Africa. The author expresses astonishment after reading her interview with Zohra Teke at the Beverly Hills hotel in Umhlanga, near Durban.
Contrast in Public Image
In the interview, Ngobeze-Zuma presented herself as 'quiet' and 'vulnerable,' admitting to fatigue and exhaustion, whereas on Friday, June 19, 2026, during an anti-immigrant march through Pietermaritzburg city center in KwaZulu-Natal, she appeared confident and caustic, which resonated with a crowd armed with traditional weapons, including wooden sticks, clubs, jamboks, spears, and shields.
Tragedy and Responsibility
The author questions Ngobeze-Zuma's true character and wonders about her responsibility for the murder of Malawian citizen Mishaka Banda, a 29-year-old man who was brutally attacked. Reports indicate that a group separated from the main body attacked the informal settlement of Ife Jo, where foreigners were harassed and beaten. Banda was beaten and stoned to death.
This brutal killing attracted the attention of international media and became a shocking condemnation of South Africa's so-called 'Rainbow Nation.' The author also asks whether Ngobeze-Zuma took time to read Lerato Motsila's article 'Terror and Tears Forcing Malawians to Leave Their Lives in South Africa,' published in the Daily Maverick.
Historical Context of Migration
Some elderly Malawians who were aggressively forced out may be former farmers from Zimbabwe who were subjected to brutal attacks and property confiscation by war veterans, ZANU PF supporters, and President Mugabe's youth militia or 'green bombers' during land seizures in 2000, as they were considered opposition supporters.
As reported by Al Jazeera on June 11, 2026, thousands of Malawian farmers displaced by land seizures in Zimbabwe fled to South Africa seeking safety and economic survival. However, these migrants subsequently became targets during large-scale xenophobic protests and forced repatriations in South Africa.
Trauma of Displaced Zimbabweans
The author, who has experience working with this crisis since the late 2000s, emphasizes deep concern over the trauma of all African refugees, asylum seekers, and economic migrants, focusing on the experiences of Zimbabweans. He points out that the 2002 Zimbabwean elections, which were deemed fraudulent, were approved by the South African government, which was aware of the violence initiated by the Mugabe government and the election rigging.
According to a Daily Maverick report from November 17, 2014, the South African government had concealed the contents of the final Khampepe report on the stolen 2002 Zimbabwean presidential election for over 12 years. Ultimately, the newspaper Mail & Guardian filed a lawsuit against the government, forcing it to publish the report, which confirmed the election fraud and South Africa's knowledge of it.
Political Support for Regimes
The author reminds readers that on March 4, 2003, then South African Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, former wife of President Jacob Zuma, told the press: 'The problem is you wait for one word—condemnation of Zimbabwe (the ZANU PF government). You will never hear it. It won't happen as long as this government is in power.' Consequently, the ANC government in South Africa continued to shamelessly support the brutal regimes of former President Robert Mugabe and current President Emmerson Mnangagwa.
Thus, Ngobeze-Zuma, the author believes, is one of the many reasons why so many conscientious Zimbabwean refugees, asylum seekers, and economic migrants are in the country. They do not want to live in a hostile country terrorized by xenophobic and vengeful organizations like her own, and therefore have no other choice—either their lives are threatened in Zimbabwe as opposition supporters, or they cannot earn enough money to support their families.
Socio-Economic Issues
Unemployment statistics in South Africa range from 32.7% to over 46%, depending on the definition of 'unemployment.' Given the severe state of the Zimbabwean economy, many believe the unemployment rate is significantly higher, but obtaining exact figures is difficult, especially since small farmers are conveniently classified as 'employed' to inflate government employment figures. Many estimate the unemployment rate to be over 90 percent as realistic.
Addressing Ngobeze-Zuma as a mother, the author wonders if she would feel even the slightest regret if she personally saw all the desperate Zimbabweans—men, women, and children—sleeping outside the Zimbabwean embassy in Cape Town for five cold nights before her arbitrary deadline of June 30. The situation was exacerbated by a heavy rainy morning when the City of Cape Town, the Department of Internal Affairs, and the Zimbabwean Embassy began moving people to the Department of Internal Affairs refugee center in Epping. Children wrapped in blankets cried while people lined up to board transport vehicles.
Operation Murambatsvina and the 2008 Elections
The author also asks if those whose lives and livelihoods were recklessly destroyed by Operation Murambatsvina were victims. This operation, launched by the Mugabe government in May 2005 under the name 'garbage removal,' was a massive nationwide campaign of forced evictions and demolitions aimed at destroying the urban support base of the MDC. Using police and military force, the government destroyed tens of thousands of homes and informal businesses, leaving about 700,000 people homeless or without livelihoods.
The author urges Ngobeze-Zuma to imagine what it is like to be a Zimbabwean mother carrying a child on her back, trekking through the Beitbridge border barbed wire to escape the horrific pre-election violence in Zimbabwe in March 2008, while she herself was safe at home in South Africa.
Regarding the 2008 elections, the author notes that Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) won the presidential election but was forced to participate in a brutal round for which Mugabe planned such shocking violence that Tsvangirai was compelled to withdraw.
Sexual Violence Campaign and Accountability
The author also mentions the targeted campaign of sexual violence in 2007 and 2008. In 2009, the Aids-Free World report titled 'Choice of Violence: Sexual Terror in Mugabe's Zimbabwe' was published. The author insists on a thorough examination of this report. Some of these women may have fled to South Africa seeking safety but were then persecuted and further traumatized by Ngobeze-Zuma's organization.
Although the author believes Ngobeze-Zuma cannot be held responsible for the 2008 election tragedies, he calls on her to show humanity and understand what Zimbabweans endured under the power-hungry regimes of Mugabe and Mnangagwa.
Personal Example and Conclusion
Finally, the author holds her responsible for pressuring a friend, a conscientious Zimbabwean refugee from the early 2000s, to leave South Africa. This person managed to build a life for himself and his family in the country despite having his leg amputated due to diabetes, but is now confined to a wheelchair. The author asks her to imagine what it is like to be in a wheelchair while being a family man and an individual, facing threats of xenophobic violence.
Currently, the family is on a bus returning to Zimbabwe, and the author hopes for a safe journey. However, the question arises how they will cope upon returning to the city where they used to live, given that members of this person's family have died and he has no home. South Africa became his home, and he contributed positively to the local community. Concerns arise regarding access to diabetes medication and the possibility of sending children to school.
In conclusion, the author advises Ngobeze-Zuma to seriously consider this open letter before she and her colleagues launch another xenophobic and inhumane campaign.
